 http://britishstudies.pbworks.com/w/page/15133677/Georgian%20era%20II |
| leaders of the Whigs and Tories in the House of Commons, Charles Fox and William Pitt. |
NUWSS
The NUWSS claimed to be 'non-political party, although many suffragists had links with the Liberal Party or were sympathetic to Liberal aims' (Bartley, 2007, p.43). The NUWSS were mainly middle class as members were often 'the wives, mothers or daughters of prominent Liberal politicians' (Bartley, 2007, p.44). The NUWSS were not officially allied with any party, but 'would campaign in support of individual election candidates who supported votes for women' (Smith, 2014, p.67). From 1903 'labour was tied into an alliance with the Liberals and its leadership was divided on the issue of female emancipation' (Roberts, 2001, p.64). By 1906, many 'MP's had been won over to the general principle of votes for women by the NUWSS and their peaceful campaign' (Simmonds,2013, p.285). Millicent Fawcett, although Liberal herself, was becoming infuriated with the Liberals' delaying tactics and her response was to help Labour candidates against Liberal ones at election time (Roberts, 2001, p.64).The NUWSS, by allying itself with Labour, attempted to put pressure on the Liberals, because the Liberals' political future depended on Labour staying weak (Simmonds,2013, p.285).
WSPU
Members of WSPU 'opposed Liberal candidates and were critical of the Labour Party' (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.233). Despite their opposition the hopes of WSPU were raised in 1906, when Asquith’s Liberal Party came to power as it was thought they would be the most sympathetic to their cause (Vellacott, 1993, p.63). However, after losing faith with the Liberal government WSPU changed their tactics as they focused on attacking whichever political party was in power 'they refused to support any legislation that would not aid their campaign of enfranchisement for women' (Simmonds,2013, p.285). From 1907, WSPU became middle class in character and Mrs Pankhurst in particular 'moved towards the right gradually disassociating herself from the Labour party' (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.233). It now appeared that her aim was limited suffrage for women; she had deserted working class women (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.234). The Pankhurst's actions of 'attacking Labour and Liberal candidates equally at by-elections' (Trueman, 2000) left some members of WSPU feeling uneasy, notably Charlotte Despard and Teresa Billington-Greig. This led to the formation of the Womens Freedom League (WFL) in October 1907 when 'Teresa Billington-Greig and some supporters left the WSPU amid accusations of undemocratic practices' (Cowman, 2004, p.98). The WFL did still support the need for militant action 'but sought a less autocratic support of political activity' (Cowman, 2004, p.98).
The NUWSS claimed to be 'non-political party, although many suffragists had links with the Liberal Party or were sympathetic to Liberal aims' (Bartley, 2007, p.43). The NUWSS were mainly middle class as members were often 'the wives, mothers or daughters of prominent Liberal politicians' (Bartley, 2007, p.44). The NUWSS were not officially allied with any party, but 'would campaign in support of individual election candidates who supported votes for women' (Smith, 2014, p.67). From 1903 'labour was tied into an alliance with the Liberals and its leadership was divided on the issue of female emancipation' (Roberts, 2001, p.64). By 1906, many 'MP's had been won over to the general principle of votes for women by the NUWSS and their peaceful campaign' (Simmonds,2013, p.285). Millicent Fawcett, although Liberal herself, was becoming infuriated with the Liberals' delaying tactics and her response was to help Labour candidates against Liberal ones at election time (Roberts, 2001, p.64).The NUWSS, by allying itself with Labour, attempted to put pressure on the Liberals, because the Liberals' political future depended on Labour staying weak (Simmonds,2013, p.285).
WSPU
Members of WSPU 'opposed Liberal candidates and were critical of the Labour Party' (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.233). Despite their opposition the hopes of WSPU were raised in 1906, when Asquith’s Liberal Party came to power as it was thought they would be the most sympathetic to their cause (Vellacott, 1993, p.63). However, after losing faith with the Liberal government WSPU changed their tactics as they focused on attacking whichever political party was in power 'they refused to support any legislation that would not aid their campaign of enfranchisement for women' (Simmonds,2013, p.285). From 1907, WSPU became middle class in character and Mrs Pankhurst in particular 'moved towards the right gradually disassociating herself from the Labour party' (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.233). It now appeared that her aim was limited suffrage for women; she had deserted working class women (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.234). The Pankhurst's actions of 'attacking Labour and Liberal candidates equally at by-elections' (Trueman, 2000) left some members of WSPU feeling uneasy, notably Charlotte Despard and Teresa Billington-Greig. This led to the formation of the Womens Freedom League (WFL) in October 1907 when 'Teresa Billington-Greig and some supporters left the WSPU amid accusations of undemocratic practices' (Cowman, 2004, p.98). The WFL did still support the need for militant action 'but sought a less autocratic support of political activity' (Cowman, 2004, p.98).
National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage.
From the formation of NUWSS in 1897, The Suffrage movement occupied a steady, non threatening stance in society. However, the 'Suffrage movement picked up sufficient pace' (Crawford, 2003, p.120) after the formation of the WSPU in 1903. This new militant phase of the suffrage campaign led to a 'similar invigoration of anti suffrage movement' (Crawford, 2003, p.120).The opposition to womens suffrage was well organised 'In 1908 the Womens National Anti-Suffrage League was formed as was the Mens Committee for Opposing Female Suffrage' (Nelson, 2004, p.3). These two groups later merged in 1910 to become the National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage. The most famous female member opposed to womens suffrage was the novelist Mrs. Mary Humphrey Ward (1851-1920). In June 1889 an ‘Appeal Against Women’s Suffrage’ was published in the monthly review The Nineteenth Century which was 'organised by Mary Ward...signed by 104 women, many of whom members of the British aristocracy' (Tuson, 2003, p.4).
From the formation of NUWSS in 1897, The Suffrage movement occupied a steady, non threatening stance in society. However, the 'Suffrage movement picked up sufficient pace' (Crawford, 2003, p.120) after the formation of the WSPU in 1903. This new militant phase of the suffrage campaign led to a 'similar invigoration of anti suffrage movement' (Crawford, 2003, p.120).The opposition to womens suffrage was well organised 'In 1908 the Womens National Anti-Suffrage League was formed as was the Mens Committee for Opposing Female Suffrage' (Nelson, 2004, p.3). These two groups later merged in 1910 to become the National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage. The most famous female member opposed to womens suffrage was the novelist Mrs. Mary Humphrey Ward (1851-1920). In June 1889 an ‘Appeal Against Women’s Suffrage’ was published in the monthly review The Nineteenth Century which was 'organised by Mary Ward...signed by 104 women, many of whom members of the British aristocracy' (Tuson, 2003, p.4).
The Liberal party was in power during the period of WSPU militancy, from late 1905 to 1914. Early suffragists believed the Liberal Party would be the most sympathetic to their cause 'they believed that the Liberal Party, by the very nature of liberalism, would push forward political reform' (Vellacott, 1993, p.63). Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman (prime minister,1905-8) sympathised with the suffragettes and said they had 'made a conclusive and irrefutable case' but merely advised them to ‘keep pestering’ and offered no practical support (Fawcett, 2011, p.14). Bannerman's successor, Henry Asquith, was against women having the vote. He held the belief 'that if women were enfranchised on a property qualification, it would give the vote to many upper class women who would vote Conservative' (Fawcett, 2011, p.14).
Labour.
During this period, the Labour Party was in its infancy and its main priority was to secure the vote for working class men (Eustance et al.,2000,p.128) Women’s suffrage was, therefore, a secondary issue (Vellacott, 1993, p.63). However, the Labour party appealed to NUWSS as 'it had a stronger record of support for womens suffrage than any other party' (Smith, 2014, p.66). In 1912 the Labour Party announced it ‘could find no government bill acceptable that does not include women’(Lang, 2005, p.140). Female suffrage became official Labour party policy, so long as the vote was extended to all men at the same time (Smith, 2014, p.66).
During this period, the Labour Party was in its infancy and its main priority was to secure the vote for working class men (Eustance et al.,2000,p.128) Women’s suffrage was, therefore, a secondary issue (Vellacott, 1993, p.63). However, the Labour party appealed to NUWSS as 'it had a stronger record of support for womens suffrage than any other party' (Smith, 2014, p.66). In 1912 the Labour Party announced it ‘could find no government bill acceptable that does not include women’(Lang, 2005, p.140). Female suffrage became official Labour party policy, so long as the vote was extended to all men at the same time (Smith, 2014, p.66).
Conservative.
Most Conservative MP's were against women having the vote. There was a fear among the Tory opposition that adult suffrage would be granted, thus giving the vote to working class men and women (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.233). They felt this would 'upset the balance of the electorate and work against them' (Smith, 2014, p.66).
Most Conservative MP's were against women having the vote. There was a fear among the Tory opposition that adult suffrage would be granted, thus giving the vote to working class men and women (Holton & Purvis, 2002, p.233). They felt this would 'upset the balance of the electorate and work against them' (Smith, 2014, p.66).
Conciliation Bills.
There were three Conciliation Bills put before the House of Commons, one per year in 1910, 1911 and 1912, all concerned with granting women votes.
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| A WSPU rally in Hyde Park in support of the Conciliation Bill, 23 July 1910http://blog.museumoflondon.org.uk/walthamstows-wonderful-women-interview-stella-creasy/. |
This bill would have 'extended the franchise to wealthy, property owning women in Britain and Ireland' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.33) this bill would have enfranchised about one million women. Initially the bill did have support from the Liberal government, but did not get the necessary backing. This was believed to be because 'the Liberal and Conservative MP's feared the negative impact on their parties during general elections' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.33). The bill failed and what happened after this became known as 'Black Friday' (See blog post Black Friday).
The 1911 Conciliation Bill.
On 7 November 1911 Asquith re-introduced the Conciliation Bill but it failed again. However, 'Prime Minister Asquith changed his position relating to womens suffrage' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.35). Asquith promised to introduce a bill for male suffrage in the next session, with a promise that this could then be amended to allow some women the vote. Some women were hopeful as 'a number of ministers were speaking openly in favour of votes for women' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.35). This debate was delayed until march, some militant suffragettes lost faith and responded with the 'war on windows' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.36).
The 1912 Conciliation Bill.
The third attempt to pass 'the bill was defeated by 208 to 222' (Smith, 2014, p.54). The suffragettes felt let down as 'a number of ministers had reneged on promises of support when it came to the vote' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.36). This was the final straw and the suffragettes escalated their militant action. Emmeline Pankhurst was imprisoned for her part in the 'war on windows' and Christabel Pankhurst became a wanted woman, she had already fled to France to escape further imprisonment under the Cat and Mouse Act. Command of WSPU 'was taken by the loyal Annie Kenney' (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.37).
Why did the Conciliation Bills fail?
The campaign for women’s suffrage got caught up in politics, some MP's opposed the Conciliation Bills because they did not want any women to get the vote (Holton, 2002, p.176) Some pro-suffrage MP's opposed the Bills because they were too narrow. Many Liberals opposed the Bills because they believed 'they would add hundreds and thousands of Tory voters to the electorate' (Smith, 2014, p.63). After 1910, the government was faced by other crises, especially trouble in Ireland (Housego & Storey, 2012, p.42) and many MP's thought there were more important things to worry about. Many Irish MP's, there were 100 of them, voted against the Bills because they wanted more time for the Irish Question (Smith, 2014, p.54).
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